Will the Chin People of Burma Choose to Join India?: The Chins in the Political Crossroads
The politics of Myanmar (Burma), particularly those involving the Chin people, have reached a turning point where historical aspirations, geopolitical maneuverings, and the quest for self-determination merge. The country has been plagued by decades of military rule, ethnic conflicts, and human rights abuses. The Chin people, an ethnic minority in Burma, have faced decades of marginalization and conflict. Amid Burma's ongoing political instability, Mizoram's Chief Minister invited the Chin people to consider joining India, stating that Burma will never find unity again while emphasizing the shared ancestry of the Mizo and Chin people.
The vision of the Chief Minister (the ZORO vision) for the reunification of the Mizo people in Burma, India, and Bangladesh is a hope for some and a contentious proposition for others. Similarly, Mizoram MP K. Vanlalvena, in his recent visit to the camp and offices of the Chinland Council on March 5, 2025, had invited them (the Chin) to join India, pointing to the absence of an official government in Myanmar and the deep-rooted tribal ties shared across the border.
This article analyzes the bearings and implications of such appeals on integration with India, considering the rationale behind such appeals, the geopolitical context, and the long years of demands of the Chin people for federal democracy and self-determination.
The Interests of Mizoram and India
The Chief Minister's invitation to the Chin to consider integration with India clearly aligns with India's geopolitical interests in the region. Mizoram, which borders Burma, has an interest in the socio-political stability of the Chin region because it has a direct bearing on security and economic interests. However, this interest ultimately aligns more with India's strategic objectives and not to the desire and interests of the Chin people themselves.
The historical context reveals a consistent trend where nation-state strategic considerations relegate the wishes of marginalized ethnic groups like the Chin. The overtures of Mizoram's government could be driven more by an aspiration for regional influence and stability than a commitment to Chin's self-identified interests or cultural preservation. This situation reinforces the notion that while the Chin may be considered as potential partners in a regional alliance, the motivations of such alliances must be scrutinized for their genuine intent towards the Chin's welfare.
Timing of Reunification: An Ongoing Struggle
At this juncture, the appeal for Chin reunification with India is premature. The Chin are currently fighting a desperate struggle for political representation, self-determination, and federal democracy within Myanmar with stakes of a systemic nature that require focused attention and grassroots mobilization rather than diverting attention toward ideological notions of reunification.
The call to 'reunite' the Chin in a broader Indian context diverts energy and resources from the necessary struggle for autonomy and self-governance. The Chin have been working endlessly at the ground level to create a federal democratic setup within Myanmar, an effort that requires massive participation and support from various factions rather than an invitation of allegiance to an external state.
Geopolitical Dimension: India and China
India's involvement with ethnic insurgencies in Myanmar, particularly its collaboration with the Arakan Army (AA), has garnered attention recently. The Indian government has made efforts to strengthen ties with the AA as a means of counterbalancing China's influence in the region. The Kaladan project (also known as the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project (KMMTP) is a key aspect of India’s strategic cooperation with Arakan Army.
While India’s collaboration with Arakan Army can be interpreted to counter Chinese influence or enhance security in its fringes, it may also be viewed through the lens of opportunism wherein the destiny of the Chin matters less than that of the grand game of geopolitical chess. However, India's geopolitical strategy to counter China will be ineffective without a robust partnership with the Chin, as Paletwa, a town in Chin State, Myanmar, serves as a critical juncture for the road and inland waterway components, while Zorinpui, a border town adjacent to the Indian state of Mizoram, is linked to Paletwa via the road component.
India’s invitation for the Chin to join India, in conjunction with this alliance with the Arakan Army, is deeply linked with strategic intentions dictated and tailored to Indian interests. The narrative presented to the Chin community of an impending need for a union with India ignores the complexities of ground realities—namely, the ongoing disputes and political interests of the Chin themselves. The alliance with the Arakan Army might aim for tactical advancement in a grander scheme but is not necessarily in sync with the aspirations of various ethnic groups, particularly the Chin, who have their own unique concerns and political will.
The Political Will of the Chin People
Over time, the Chin have asserted their wish for a federal democracy and self-determination, stemming from their long history of resisting colonialism and striving for political autonomy. Their fight for independence and federal democracy is rooted in their determination to maintain their unique culture, language, and land. This political will is often at odds with the notions of external alliances or reunification propagated by interests outside their community. Joining India is seen by a majority of the Chin leaders as a deviation from the vision held by the early leaders and thinkers of the Chin movement, who stress the importance of self determination and preservation of their unique culture. The people of Chin have always been suspicious of integration into India, believing it to be an infringement on their sovereignty and identity.
Furthermore, the notion that the Chin must strive to integrate into India, as suggested and proposed by Mizoram's Chief Minister and MP, undermines the fundamental element of their political struggle—an unwavering dedication to self-determination, federal democracy, and the preservation of their ancestral territories. Historically, the Chin have engaged in a struggle for rights and recognition in Burma, aspiring for a political system that honors and respects their identity. Some may perceive this appeal for integration with India as a betrayal of such historical aspirations. Decisions regarding the future of the Chin people should be predicated on their dreams and desires, rather than external influences. The Chin in Myanmar are considered one of the founders of the Union of Burma and exhibit greater cultural and physical similarities with the Burmans in Myanmar than with Indians in India.
Alternatives to Chin Integration with India: Strengthening Mizoram through Partnership, Not Absorption
As Mizoram’s Chief Minister raises the prospect of merging the Chin people of Myanmar with India, it is essential to explore alternative scenarios that support the Chin people’s pursuit of self-determination and federal democracy in Myanmar—while also advancing Mizoram's interests. There are essential strategies that could serve to strengthen Mizoram’s interests through collaborative partnerships rather than outright absorption.
1. Enhanced Cross-Border Economic Cooperation:
One of the most promising strategies for partnership is the establishment of special trade zones and infrastructure initiatives that bolster the economic ties between Mizoram and Chin State. For instance, the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project has the capacity to act as a catalyst for trade and connectivity. Through infrastructure innovation that opens the transit of products and individuals across the border, Mizoram may help create a vibrant and prosperous cross-border economy, an economic hub while economically empowering the Chin community, benefiting both communities and promoting stability in the region.
2. Mizoram as a Democratic Bridge:
Mizoram holds a strategically important position as a soft-power bridge between India and a federal Myanmar. Mizoram must demonstrate to India and the international community its dedication to and support for democracy, human rights, and the self-determination of the Chin people in the context of the ongoing struggle for freedom. The role of Mizoram as a democratic actor can enhance its influence, promoting dialogue that cultivates mutual understanding and respect, along with a commitment to peaceful coexistence. This soft-power strategy can promote democratic values and facilitate the transition to a federal democracy system in Myanmar, ultimately benefiting both Mizoram and the Chin.
3. Ancestry and Cultural Heritage:
The Mizos of Mizoram and the Chins in Myanmar are bound by a shared lineage and a common cultural heritage. Drawing upon a common ancestry and cultural legacy, Mizoram ought to pursue and advocate for the interests of its kin in their struggle for freedom and democracy. Mizoram can execute efforts that foster linguistic and cultural interchange between the Mizos and Chins. Cultural festivals and community exchange initiatives have the potential to foster a profound sense of camaraderie and unity, reinforcing connections while simultaneously honoring the political aspirations of the Chins. Such initiatives can facilitate interactions between both populations as equal partners, rather than one seeking to absorb the other.
4. Faith-Based Solidarity and Humanitarian Resources:
The Christian community in Mizoram has a role to foster a sense of solidarity rooted in shared beliefs with the predominantly Christian Chins. Initiatives directed towards humanitarian assistance, disaster response, educational collaborations, training programs, and community development can provide a foundation for deeper partnerships, fostering mutual support and cultivating a shared sense of unity. The shared values and active participation in joint endeavors can facilitate the establishment of a robust support system that honors the political will of the Chin, while also strengthening Mizoram's influence. Such partnerships can also serve to elevate the Chin community within Myanmar, ensuring their voices and issues are recognized and addressed. These collaborations would foster mutual support, uplift the Chin community within Myanmar, and extend Mizoram’s influence as a compassionate and principled reginal actor.
In sum, in considering the future of Mizoram and its relationship with the Chin people of Myanmar, it is crucial to examine alternatives beyond the prevailing narrative of integration with India. Mizoram should take a nuanced approach that prioritizes cooperation and partnership over political absorption. By prioritizing partnership and collaboration over integration, Mizoram has the potential to elevate its global stature while fostering the aspirations of the Chin people for self-determination and a federal democractic framework. These alternatives not only resonate with Mizoram's democratic values but also promote stability and prosperity in a region marked by complexity and diversity.
Conclusion
In light of these considerations, the overture made by the Chief Minister of Mizoram to the Chin to become part of India is a complex web of interests that warrants careful assessment. The motivation underlying this proposition is driven less by a genuine commitment to the empowerment of the Chin people and more by political pragmatism and regional maneuvering. As the Chin continue their struggle for federal democracy and self-determination, the notion of unification with India must be approached with caution—prioritizing the true desires of the Chin people against the geopolitical ambitions and interests of neighboring states. Ultimately, the pursuit of a cohesive identity and self-governance must remain central to the ambitions of the Chin, guiding their political trajectory amid a tumultuous and shifting regional landscape. The Chin should have the freedom to determine their path towards federal democracy and self-determination, free from external influence or interference.
About the Writer:
Henry Lyan is the secretary of the Chin Peace and Reconciliation Initiative (CPRI), one of the largest Chin organizations in the United States. He additionally holds the position of secretary for the Peace and Justice Committee (PJC) of Chin Baptist Churches USA, the preeminent Chin organization in the United States.
